PENCATATAN ADMINISTRASI KELURAHAN SECARA EFISIEN DALAM PARADIGMA SAINTIFIK MANAJEMEN


Abstract

Kota Probolinggo Permendagri No. 25 tahun 2011 tentang Pedoman Pengkajian, Pengembangan dan Pengelolaan Sistem Informasi Administrasi Kependudukan menyatakan bahwa administrasi kependudukan merupakan kewenangan di bawah Departemen Dalam Negeri. Di dalamnya diatur apa yang dimaksud dengan Sistem Informasi Administrasi Kependudukan di mana catatan administrasi dilakukan dengan memanfaatkan teknologi informasi dan komunikasi untuk memfasilitasi dan mengelola baik di tingkat penyelenggara dan Kantor Kependudukan dan Pencatatan Sipil. Penelitian ini dilakukan berdasarkan pertanyaan penelitian untuk mengukur kinerja pencatatan administrasi kelurahan menggunakan paradigma saintifik manajemen Taylorism. Pendekatan Saintifik Taylorism dipilih karena masih sedikit implementasi sistem manajemen administrasi ini diterapkan di lapangan utamanya dalam ranah administrasi negara. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yakni kualitatif deskriptif yang memanfaatkan wawancara mendalam pada stakeholder dan pengguna layanan administrasi publik di Kelurahan Ketapang, Kecamatan Kademangan Kota Probolinggo. Penelitian yang dilakukan selama kurang lebih enam bulan ini menghasilkan temuan yakni seluruh petugas dalam kelurahan ketapang sudah memenuhi standart dalam melakukan tugas dan standar pelaksanaan yang tertuang dalam Permendagri Nomor 25 tahun 2011 tentang Pedoman Studi, Pengembangan dan Pengelolaan Sistem Informasi Administrasi Kependudukan, serta prinsip pengelolaan layanan publik sesuai dengan Undang Undang Nomor 25 Tahun 2009 tentang Pelayanan Publik, Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 96 Tahun 2012 tentang Pelayanan Publik, dan Permendagri Nomor 100 Tahun 2018 Penerapan Standar Pelayanan Minimal. Kekurangan fundamental terletak pada kapasitas server yang sering terganggu apabila terjadi penginputan data secara bersamaan secara nasional dan gangguan lainnya yang sering terjadi sewaktu-sewaktu.

Tulisan selengkapnya dapat di baca di sini

IMPLEMENTASI TUJUAN PEMBANGUNAN BERKELANJUTAN DALAM KEBIJAKAN PENGELOLAAN MARITIM BERKELANJUTAN MELALUI LARANGAN PENGGUNAAN CANTRANG


Abstract

Poros maritim yaitu adanya suatu gagasan, strategis, terobosan baru yang diwujudkan untuk menjamin konektivitas antarpulau, pengembangan industri perkapalan dan perikanan. Visi inilah yang menjadi intisari program era pemerintahan Presiden Jokowi pertama untuk mewujudkan cita-cita Indonesia sebagai poros maritim dunia. Namun demikian, visi ini bukan dapat diwujudkan tanpa tantangan. Di struktural, muncul tantangan yakni nelayan yang masih belum terbiasa dengan alat tangkap yang ramah lingkungan dan berkelanjutan. Nelayan kesulitan menemukan alat tangkap alternatif cantrang dan beralih ke alat tangkap lain yang lebih ramah lingkungan namun dapat menghasilkan ikan yang sama banyaknya untuk mencukupi kebutuhan hidup. Dikeluarkannya kebijakan larangan penggunaan alat tangkap, khususnya cantrang berpengaruh terhadap kehidupan sosial-ekonomi nelayan. Implementasi kebijakan yang menuai pro dan kontra, membuat hal tersebut perlu dijelaskan terkait bagaimana implementasi Tujuan Pembangunan Berkelanjutan 2017 dapat mencerminkan pembangunan maritim berkelanjutan dengan melarang nelayan Desa Tongas Kabupaten Probolinggo menggunakan cantrang. Implementasi Tujuan Pembangunan Berkelanjutan (TPB) 2017 menjadi momen penting bagi pemerintah Indonesia untuk mendorong kebijakan anti-alat tangkap yang tidak berkelanjutan. Untuk mengetahui implementasi TPB 2017, penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif. Hasilnya adalah melalui komunikasi, disposisi, sumber daya dan sturuktur birokrasi maka dapat disimpulkan bahwa dinas Kelautan dan Perikanan Kabupaten Probolinggo telah menyampaikan sosialisasi melalui Dinas Kelautan dan Perikanan kabupaten Probolinggo meskipun dampaknya secara kuantitatif belum terukur jelas. Disposisi dalam penelitian maka diharapkan seluruh lapisan masyarakat yang berprofesi sebagai nelayan dan pihak-pihak yang terkait harus saling merangkul secara kolaboratif menggunakan alat yang lebih ramah lingkungan meskipun penolakan masih terjadi.

Tulisan selengkapnya dapat diakses di sini

Harapan pada Periode ke-2


Pada 21 Oktober 2019, Presiden Jokowi resmi mengisi term kedua menjadi presiden republik Indonesia. hari berikutnya disusul dengan pelantikan sejumah menteri. Di dalamnya terdapat sejumlah nama baru yang tidak asing bagi publik. Beberapa diantaranya adalah Dokter Terawan, Nadhiem Makarim, Tito Karnavian, bahkan Prabowo.

Sejumlah pakar politik pun bersuara dalam tulisannya. Sejumlah pakar menuangkan pesimismenya dalam opini. Salah satu pesimisme itu tentang melemahnya oposisi pertama kali pasca orde baru. Dukungan mayoritas partai merapat ke pemerintah. Akibatnya, muncul sentimen bahwa demokrasi sedang dianaktirikan, sementara kestabilan politik dan pertumbuhan ekonomi sedang diprioritaskan.

Bukan hal yang mengejutkan mengingat Presiden Joko Widodo menginginkan daya saing Indonesia dapat terangkat, riset Indonesia dapat jadi tulang punggung inovasi ke depannya, serta perhatian untuk menekan benih radikalisme di Indonesia. Tiga hal ini sangat kental mencuri perhatian Presiden pada masa pemerintahan periode sebelumnya. Mudah saja memaklumi jika terdapat nama petinggi polri dan TNI di pos pos menteri strategis seperti menteri agama, menteri dalam negeri, menteri pertahanan.

Hanya saja, menteri koordinator bidang politik hukum dan keamanan dijabat oleh akademisi sekaligus sipil yakni Bapak Mahfud MD. Kehadiran Mahfud MD menjadi angin segar dalam jajaran kabinet baru pada periode kedua ini. Prestasi dan kiprahnya sebagai Menkopolhukam merupakan hal yang layak dinantikan.

Media sosial pun tidak kalah membangun opini sendiri. Mereka ribut mempertanyakan Prabowo yang menjadi menteri pertahanan dalam kabinet jokowi. Bahkan pendukung garis keras partai gerinda mulai kehilangan rigidnya.

Betapa tidak, ketua partai mereka yang selama ini menjadi mesin partai dengan jargonnya yang mempertanyakan kebijakan pemerintah terpilih sebagai menteri pertahanan. Pendukung ini terbelah yang menyikapi nya dengan pesimis dan optimis. Penulis sendiri merasa tertarik untuk mengetahui jalan cerita selanjutnya apakah mengarah pada polemik ataukah ke hubungan yang harmonis. Setidaknya, ini merupakan akhir drama season kedua yang mengambil skim anti-klimaks dan season tiganya menjadi layak untuk diikuti.

Penulis sendiri beranggapan langkah merekrut Prabowo merupakan strategi yang patut diapresiasi. Penulis merasa sudah semestinya pemerintah dijalankan tanpa meninggalkan siapapun. Langkah ini pernah dilakukan oleh Presiden Obama dengan jargonnya No one is left behind. berbeda dengan winner takes all, filosofi ini hendak mengenalkan bahwa pemerintah dapat dijalankan bahkan dengan merangkul musuh sekali pun.

Tidak hanya itu, pemilihan menteri dan posisi wakil menteri meninggalkan sejumlah pertanyaan. Baru pertama kali, menteri agama diduduki oleh bukan pemuka agama, melainkan seorang purnawirawan jenderal TNI. Selain itu muncul polemik keberadaan wakil menteri hanyalah untuk mengakomodasi orang-orang politik. Beredar pula sejumlah meme yang memprediksi kapabilitas Nadhiem Makarim sebagai menteri pendidikan kebudayaan dan perguruan tinggi.

Ini menjadikan politik strategis menjadi napas pemerintahan Presiden Joko Widodo. Namun demikian, publik sedang sangat menantikan bagaimana kinerja kabinet Presiden Joko Widodo dapat mengatasi tantangan ke depan utamanya dari segi kestabilan negara, ekonomi, politik dan daya saing Indonesia.

Intisari dari tulisan ini ialah berisi harapan antara lain,

Secara umum dan keseluruhan sistem negara masih akan berjalan tanpa tantangan separatisme maupun radikalisme. Tidak ada yang ingin negara ini tercerai berai kecuali sebagian kecil pihak tertentu dan sebagian lebih besar pihak eksternal yang sedang siap melepaskan strategi devide et imperanya.

Kedua, saya sangat setuju apabila stabilitas politik dan pertumbuhan ekonominya didahulukan. Saya juga ragu dengan pesimisme seolah demokrasi dimarjinalkan. Saya dapat memahami bahwa golongan pesimis melandaskan prediksinya berdasarkan kalkulasi setengah matang keberadaan oposisi yang dilemahkan secara sistematis. Hal itu terjadi karena punggawa partai gerindra masuk menjadi menteri dengan posisi cukup strategis. Alasan rekrutmennya pun cukup masuk akal meski beberapa kelompok susah menerima akhir yang indah.

Ketiga, saya punya teori bahwa jika stabilitas politik dan pertumbuhan ekonomi yang terjaga dapat mendorong kuatnya demokrasi. Argumen ini cukup panjang jika ingin dijelaskan pada tulisan yang sama. Saya ingin pembaca dapat memikirkan hipotesis ini sekaligus memikirkan sudut pandang dan paradigma yang dapat diterima secara ilmiah.

Keempat, saya menyambut baik orang terbaik menurut bapak presiden yang dianggap mampu menjalankan tugas menteri. Sementara tugas publik seharusnya melakukan pengawasan serta menyukseskan jalannya pemerintahan dan tetap mendukung birokrasi yang bebas korupsi.

Ditulis oleh Renny Candradewi

Diolah dari berbagai sumber

Referensi:

http://koran.tempo.co/read/447111/kurikulum-akan-disesuaikan-dengan-kebutuhan-industri

http://koran.tempo.co/read/447025/lobi-lobi-untuk-posisi-wakil-menteri

http://koran.tempo.co/read/447043/pemilihan-menteri-agama-dianggap-mengingkari-komitmen

http://majalah.tempo.co/read/158580/politik-tanpa-oposisi

Trickle-Down Economics’ Arthur Lewis Fails: an economic development study of Mount Bromo in Ngadisari Village, Sukapura District, Probolinggo Regency, East Java


Abstract

In this paper, we will examine if the trickle-down effect has ever taken in rural Indonesia. One of the cases draws attention in economic development study is poverty and income gap from wealthiest people to the less fortunate larger group of people. The argument goes as trickle-down effect appears to be the best solution to eradicate poverty as well as to solve the income gap. Tourism has become a strategy targeted by the government to spread the trickle-down effecthere to the less fortunate larger group of people. The government believes by sustaining the growth in tourism would accelerate the trickle-down effect and brings a less fortunate group of people to better living. In its fundamental theory, the trickle-down effect has offered delusion where jobs would be created as the conditions are met. However, this paper argues that even in tourism the trickle-down effect strategy has served less for what it has promised. Through qualitative research in Ngadisari Village, a remote area, where Mount Bromo has been a tourism landmark globally, this paper finds that trickle-down effect has come with little benefit to uplift the living standard of the poor. Thus, the trickle-down effect has served only as delusions of growth government has ever aspired.

Keywords: humanism, Mount Bromo, tourism economics, tourist destination, trickle-down economics.

Find full article here

https://jitode.ub.ac.id/index.php/jitode/article/view/349

Kajian Kepribadian Presiden Perancis Emmanuel Macron Menggunakan Level Analisis Individu


Kajian Kepribadian Presiden Perancis Emmanuel Macron Menggunakan Level Analisis Individu

Individual Level Analysis of France President Emmanuel Macron. This paper is the result of an individual level analysis study conducted to explain qualitatively the personality, motivation and beliefs of French President Emmanuel Macron. This study employs qualitative data consisting of event data collected from various news sources with exclusionof exclusive interviews and state speeches and studied since Emmanuel Macron was inaugurated as President of France on May 17, 2017. Explanations regarding personality, motivation and beliefs assist to compile the rationality built on the record of educational background, family background, personality also helps to identify the relationship between leadership styles, motivation for decisions and actions that reflect the direction of French foreign policy. While beliefs are recognized through statements and answers given by for questions raised by journalists or foreign journalists in certain situations. This paper using a framework of individual analysis studies by Valerie Hudson, Jerrold Post and Margaret Hermann, it is concluded that Emmanuelle Macron is classified as a type of leader who is inconsistent with the characteristics of expansionist ambitions, high information complexity, good level of diplomatic knowledge  or training and always had a consideration to invite other countries to establish harmonious and strategic relations with France.

Keywords:   individual level analysis, leadership type, conciliatory leadership type, foreign policy analysis

Download disini http://journal.stainkudus.ac.id/index.php/politea/article/view/4323

SEMIOTIKA KEHIDUPAN MASYARAKAT MODERN DALAM VIDEO CHAINED TO THE RHYTHM


SEMIOTIKA KEHIDUPAN MASYARAKAT MODERN DALAM VIDEO CHAINED TO THE RHYTHM

Renny Candradewi Puspitarini

Abstract

Abstract. The articles argues that the post-modern life in current state can be explored some more by studying what songs are played within the years. In 2017, Katy Perry’s Chained to The Rhythm becomes hit record-breaking not only for its lyrics and video but also for its intriguing feature since meanings never just textual. They are also sociopolitical and it is upon this dimension semiology prevails. The writing employs method of semiotic with semiotic analysis that can help understand what norms are being deviated from, to what extent, and possibly, to what effect. Combined with literature study, the article finds visual metaphor exist predominantly side by side with the lyrics during the video played in the background to insert and superimpose objects in one syntagma into another. Both lyrics and video played in Katy Perry’s Chained to the Ryhthm is completed by a unit from the paradigm of the post-modern life characteristics.

Keywords: Media Ecology Theory, Semiotic Analysis, Social message, communication from video, Post-modern

Tautan untuk unduh tulisan http://e-journal.president.ac.id/presunivojs/index.php/EXPOSE/article/view/464

From Bishkek to Boston


A brief history of the Chechen diaspora, Islamic radicalism, and the possible link to the Boston bombing suspects.

One clue to the motivations behind the suspected terrorist acts by the Tsarnaev brothers in Boston may lie half a world away, in their membership in the marginalized Chechen minority population that lives in the post-Soviet republic of Kyrgyzstan, located in Central Asia just a few hundred miles north of Afghanistan. Chechens have lived in small numbers in Kyrgyzstan since World War II, when approximately 70,000 people were deported to what was then known as the Kirgiz Republic of the USSR. Like other deported Caucasian peoples, including the Ingush and Meshkhetian Turks, the Chechens were regarded by Stalin as unreliable citizens in the Soviet Union’s war against Nazi Germany.

The fate of Chechens in the late Soviet period lacked the tragedy of earlier decades and centuries. It was an era of relative stability where an official policy of “friendship of the peoples of the USSR” minimized tension between ethnic groups. Tamerlan and Dzhokhar Tsarnaev were born and raised in the far more troubled era that followed, when the collapse of the Soviet Union unleashed a new emphasis on nationalism, and ethnic minorities such as the Chechens found themselves uninvited guests in new post-communist states, like Kyrgyzstan, that were trying to reassert a new national identity based in good measure on the core ethnic group, the Kyrgyz.

In the 1990s, most of the Russians and other ethnic minorities — including the Chechens — left Kyrgyzstan, but a second, and far smaller, wave of wartime Chechen refugees arrived in Kyrgyzstan. These were wounded Chechen rebels who had fought against Russian federal authorities in the First Chechen War (1994-1996). They came to this small Central Asian country to seek treatment in health sanatoriums on Lake Issyk-Kul in northern Kyrgyzstan. Despite this new influx of refugees, the Chechen population continued to dwindle, to the point that today there are less than 2,000 Chechens in Kyrgyzstan.

Before their family’s departure from Kyrgyzstan in 2001, the Tsarnaev brothers reportedly lived in the small northern Kyrgyzstani city of Tokmok, about 20 miles east of the capital of Bishkek. This city, like most others cities in the north, was populated by Russians and ethnic Kyrgyz; it sits in one of the most Russified and least religious areas of the country. The biographical information provided by Dzhokhar Tsarnaev on his Vkonkate page (the Russian-language equivalent of Facebook) indicates that he spoke Chechen, as well as Russian and English. And in this facility in Chechen and Russian he was typical of his generation. The Chechens in Kyrgyzstan did not lose their own traditions or language, which were transmitted by the family in the absence of Chechen-language schools. The Chechens in Kyrgyzstan were also more observant Muslims than their Kyrgyz neighbors, a nomadic people to whom Islam came late.Although recent years have brought reports of radical Islamist groups operating on a small scale in the south of Kyrgyzstan, they were virtually unknown in any region of Kyrgyzstan when the Tsarnaev family was in the country. They were not raised, therefore, in a community where radical Islam was in the air.

Although the Chechen separatist movement from Russia acquired links to radical Islam in the second half of the 1990s, it began as a national liberation struggle with little religious coloration. Only as the war deepened and offers of aid poured in from the Middle East did one witness the hijacking of a nationalist movement by those of a fundamentalist bent. One may surmise that the Tsarnaev brothers were well aware of this history, and their knowledge of the Chechen language would no doubt have made accessible sources on the Internet that associated radical Islam with the liberation of Chechnya — or Ichkeria, in the language of Chechen rebels. However, for Chechen separatists, it is Russia and not the United States that has traditionally been the enemy.

To have been brought up as a Chechen in Kyrgyzstan in the 1990s would have meant confronting stereotypes — Chechens were known as successful businessmen who were often at odds with the law. There were unconfirmed reports that immediately prior to the First Chechen War, the rebel leader, Dzhokhar Dudaev — himself a member of a World War II refugee family from neighboring Kazakhstan — flew to Bishkek to develop the drug trade, using Kyrgyzstan as a trans-shipment point between Afghanistan and Chechnya. More recently, several Chechens have been involved in high-profile criminal groups, some of which were reportedly founded by refugees from the First Chechen War.

In the last few years, as part of a broader movement to indigenize the culture and economy of the country, criminal groups composed of ethnic Kyrgyz have marginalized the Chechen-led mafia, and a major Chechen criminal kingpin in Kyrgyzstan, Aziz Batukaev, was sentenced to 17 years in jail in 2006 for numerous crimes, including the murder of a Kyrgyz parliamentarian. The Batukaev case reappeared in the news over the last week with his early release from prison and flight to Grozny, the capital of Chechnya. The official explanations for his release pointed to his poor health, but there is muchspeculation in Kyrgyzstan that officials were bribed to secure his release.

Although many Chechens returned to their homeland following the collapse of the USSR, the Tsarnaev family seems never to have gone back to their native republic, and instead has remained in a diaspora of Chechens — who may be compared in some respects to Palestinians, another refugee nation where a sense of historical injustice fuels outrage against the existing order. Like most diaspora peoples, there is a highly developed sense of community among co-ethnics living around the world.

It is too early, of course, to know whether or how the status of Tamerlan and Dzhokhar Tsarnaev as outsiders, in Kyrgyzstan and the United States, contributed to their acts of violence in a host country. Living at the margins of domestic or international society, with doubts about one’s identity, may lead some persons to seek a radical cause to fill the void, but the reality is that millions of others occupy similar cultural ground without resorting to violence.

Credits:

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/04/19/from_bishkek_to_boston?page=full

Note:

This literature is a good example for drawing the conclusion behind the event. It also can help us understand how the personal background can construct one’s perspective upon one event and the (most likely) reason behind their actions, for example bombing. However, it remains an option to explain why they do Boston bombings.